Showing posts with label american history. Show all posts
Showing posts with label american history. Show all posts

This Violent Empire: The Birth of an American National Identity (Institute of Early American History & Culture) Review

This Violent Empire: The Birth of an American National Identity (Institute of Early American History and Culture)
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The title, This Violent Empire, is somewhat of a misnomer, but the end result of this important study causes the reader to reflect not so much on the violence of America's heritage, but rather its conflicts and ambiguities. Author Carroll Smith-Rosenberg celebrates the contributions of early American literature from magazines to novels, and particularly the contributions of women either as authors or as characters,as a guiding force of national identity development. But this book goes beyond the well known contributions of Molly Pitcher at the Battle of Monmouth or Betsy Ross and her flag. Indeed, neither of these women are even mentioned. Other famous women are barely mentioned - Pocahontas, for example. Instead, Smith-Rosenberg emphasizes women authors and book characters along side wives and daughters of leading male merchants and politicians as the role models for women of the era.
Men play an unimportant role. Smith-Rosenberg continiuously feminizes men ranging from western farmers in Shay's Rebellion to the insecure "Paxton Boys" of central Pennsylvania, to the leading merchants of the age. Indeed, a woman is at the center of every successful man's life, not as a docile helpmate, but as the driving force. Women embody freedom and liberty; they are the bearers of republican virtue. Men are often effeminate clods who happen to be present.
The one criticism of this book is in its title. The reader has to wait for 215 pages before things really become "violent." Up to this point, the author ranged from one literary source to another, from novels to early magazines, none of which indicated a truly "violent" society. THen she begins to address white-Indian relations and things become violent in a hurry. However, once again the women are the heroes while the men are the helpless victims. Take for example the Indian captive narratives Smith-Rosenberg cites. While women are adapting to their new lifestyle while plotting their eventual escapes, often the men in tese accounts are hiding in the woods or are otherwise helpless onlookers, clueless on how to resolve the situation.
This theme of male helplessness reappears time and again. The male merchant depicted as a version of Manat's "Olympia" is another image SMith-Rosenberg emphasizes. The victims of the Philadelphia yellow fever outbreak of 1791 is another. White men, instead of being the traditional driving force of early American development, are instead de-emphasized to the point of virtual obscurity.
But Smioth-Rosenberg's efforts are an important contribution to current scholarship. In the end she uses the novel "Zelica" to portray black-white relations stemming from the revolution in Haiti and how American republicans struggled to accept its results. "Zelica" is used almost as an autobiographical portrayal of Smith-Rosenberg's own lifestyle. In the novel, two female lovers navigate through the murky waters of acceptance of the images of freedom and liberty while struggling with taboo. The final pages of "this Violent Empire" are not statements of fact on how we got where we are today, but instead are questions of how much we truly value the concepts (freedom and liberty) we preach but in reality often deny to any who do not fit the traditional mold of virtuous republican.
As a result, some will embrace this book while others will scorn it. But as the cliche says, "it is what it is" and there is no denying double standards exist. They always have existed, and will continue to exist until we as a nation and a society choose to give them the debate and reconciliation they deserve. Until then, too many Americans will be willing to simply wrap themselves in a flag and preach empty words that sound good but have no meaning until they are fully embraced in their full context.

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This Violent Empire traces the origins of American violence, racism, and paranoia to the founding moments of the new nation and the initial instability of Americans' national sense of self.Fusing cultural and political analyses to create a new form of political history, Carroll Smith-Rosenberg explores the ways the founding generation, lacking a common history, governmental infrastructures, and shared culture, solidified their national sense of self by imagining a series of "Others" (African Americans, Native Americans, women, the propertyless) whose differences from European American male founders overshadowed the differences that divided those founders. These "Others," dangerous and polluting, had to be excluded from the European American body politic. Feared, but also desired, they refused to be marginalized, incurring increasingly enraged enactments of their political and social exclusion that shaped our long history of racism, xenophobia, and sexism. Close readings of political rhetoric during the Constitutional debates reveal the genesis of this long history.This Violent Empire traces the origins of American violence, racism, and paranoia to the founding moments of the new nation and the initial instability of Americans' national sense of self.Fusing cultural and political analyses to create a new form of political history, Carroll Smith-Rosenberg explores the ways the founding generation, lacking a common history, governmental infrastructures, and shared culture, solidified their national sense of self by imagining a series of "Others" (African Americans, Native Americans, women, the propertyless) whose differences from European American male founders overshadowed the differences that divided those founders. These "Others," dangerous and polluting, had to be excluded from the European American body politic. Feared, but also desired, they refused to be marginalized, incurring increasingly enraged enactments of their political and social exclusion that shaped our long history of racism, xenophobia, and sexism. Close readings of political rhetoric during the Constitutional debates reveal the genesis of this long history.

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The Unwavering Resolve of Jonathan Edwards (Long Line of Godly Men Profile) Review

The Unwavering Resolve of Jonathan Edwards (Long Line of Godly Men Profile)
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Steven J. Lawson was unknown to me until about 2 years ago. I then heard a message he preached at MacArthur's Pastor's Conference. Since that time I've picked up a few of his books. I have finished a couple of them and enjoyed them. That being so, when I read that he had written a book about Jonathan Edwards I knew that I wanted to read it.
This book is the second in a series titled The Long Line of
Godly Men Profiles. The first volume being The Expository Genius of
John Calvin.
From the beginning, as soon as one reads the table of contents, it is obvious that Lawson is convinced that Edwards' resolve was the result of his Biblical convictions. Indeed, in the preface, Lawson says "Godliness is a lifelong study..." And again, "Here is the key to his spiritual growth--Edwards disciplined himself for the purpose of godliness." The emphasis of the book is Edwards' pursuit of holiness through his resolutions, and use him as an example to prod us to walk in the same pursuit of holiness.
Lawson begins with a chapter that chronicle the high points of Edwards' life. From there he proceeds to show us how Edwards maintained his resolve to wholly follow Christ even in the most difficult of times.
Next, Lawson takes us to the time of Edwards' making his resolutions and writing his personal narrative. He points us to the background and influences that promoted his pursuit of holiness and led Edwards in this direction. This then leads us to learn the distinctive features of his resolutions, which features ultimately show the heart of one who has purposed to be godly by the grace of God. We are then directed to his personal narrative which again shows that his heart, through all of his life, was the heart of one who was pursuing God with an "all out" passion.
As we continue in the book Lawson points out that which is extremely important to us all; the fact that personal holiness requires faith. Edward's resolutions were not simply moral rules, or a guide to self-reformation. They were only possible through faith in Christ. To this end Edwards not only refused to rely upon himself, but trusted Christ to empower him to perform these resolutions. He also realized the tendency to stray, so he regularly reviewed his resolutions and his adherence to them that he might recognize his failures, correct them, and better glorify God.
The glory of God in everything was the goal of Edwards' life, Lawson tells us. "Edwards wrote:
`1. Resolved, that I will do whatsoever I think to be
most to God's glory, and my own good, profit and
pleasure, in the whole of my duration, without any
consideration of the time, whether now, or never so
many myriads of ages hence. Resolved to do whatever
I think to be my duty, and most for the good and
advantage of mankind in general. Resolved to do this,
whatever difficulties I meet with, how many and how
great soever.'"
Glorifying God was Edwards' passion, and this passion is manifest throughout his resolutions and personal narrative. This passion called for frequent self-examination, just as it will for you and for me.
To avoid giving away the whole book, let it suffice us to say that the following chapters deal with Edwards' means of pursuing the glory of God in personal holiness.
Finally, it must be said that this book is well written, well researched, and well done. The average reader who is seeking a biography of Edwards may do well to look elsewhere. The purpose of this book is to lead the reader to look into the heart of Edwards so that we might learn what made him tick. Neither is this book written simply to entertain. This book was written for the purpose of being a blessing to those who want to walk closer to the Lord Jesus Christ. It is not to be read casually, though it is easy to read. It is to be read with ones "thinking cap on" so that the reader can gain benefit from the observation of a life lived unto the glory of God.

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To present an example of intentional, faithful, and passionate Christian living, Dr. Steven J. Lawson paints a portrait of eighteenth-century pastor and theologian Jonathan Edwards, who structured his relationship with God by composing and following seventy heart-searching resolutions. The ultimate goal of this book is to challenge a new generation of believers to pursue holiness in their daily lives. Steven J. Lawson Edwards, often remembered for his sermon Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God, is revealed here as a man with a heart for God s glory above all things. To help himself pursue that goal, he composed a set of resolutions to guide his conduct in all areas, from his battle against sin to his use of time. In Edwards singleminded pursuit of God, Dr. Lawson sees an unparalleled example for modern Christians.

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Voyages of the Self: Pairs, Parallels, and Patterns in American Art and Literature Review

Voyages of the Self: Pairs, Parallels, and Patterns in American Art and Literature
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Barbara Novak is a fantastic force in the American art criticism and history community.
This book finally completes her triology and it is well worth the wait. Novak pairs writers and painters and explores parallels between them. It really is a great way to understand early American culture.
Highly recommended!

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Made in America: A Social History of American Culture and Character Review

Made in America: A Social History of American Culture and Character
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When I first picked up Made in America it appeared to be the sort of book that risked potentially mind-numbing information overload. I was inclined to just skip around it some, to cherry-pick topics where I had particular interests. I was drawn in, however. Charles S. Fischer's sweeping and penetrating survey is a treasure trove for persons inquisitive about American social history, fact-filled and thought-provoking.
The author aggregates his subject matter into five big themes relating to American culture and character: security (economic and physical), goods (consumption), groups (families, neighborhoods, churches, etc.), public spaces (both physical and virtual), and mentality (self concepts and feelings).
Fischer concludes that the modern American character is remarkably similar to that of our ancestors. "What seemed socially distinctive about America in the eighteenth century still seems distinctive in the twenty-first," he writes. The fundamental difference is that today we generally have more, "more time on Earth, more wealth, more things, more information, more power, more acquaintances, and so many more choices." He believes that "the expansion of material security and comfort enabled early American social patterns and culture to expand," that "with growth more people could participate in that distinctive culture more fully and could become `more American'."
Fischer applies the notion of "volunteerism" -- he observes that Americans generally behave as if they are sovereign individuals, individuals who succeed through fellowship. They are not disconnected, but tend to prefer choice in their group affiliations. This notion contrasts with the underlying assumption in many societies that individuals are only parts of a social whole, acting out predetermined roles.
Along the way Fischer debunks what he claims are various myths about our history, such as the beliefs that we have become more violent or less religious (sometimes we have misconceptions about the past, sometimes the present, and sometimes both).
That he generally finds consensus and continuity is not surprising since he focuses primarily on the "mainstream" -- he suggests that middle and working class Northern white Protestants have represented "the dominant character of the society." Fischer claims the "assimilative pull" of that center is powerful and distinctive, and his story stresses its widening over time to include others. The obvious criticism of this point of view is that it leaves out too many for too long. African Americans, immigrant groups, and many others come across as late-joiners rather than as important contributors and shapers.
Fischer also appears to be a "lumper" rather than a "splitter," and that too disposes him to see continuities where others might perceive important differences. For instance, he stresses that constructing a "better self" has been an American project for centuries, and this broad conclusion overrides the significant evidence he presents of historical shifts in the focus of our self-improvement obsessions. But doesn't the content of the improvement objectives matter (for example, good manners, versus weight control, versus business success, versus inner peace, and so on) and say something important about our "character"?
He does not always discern straight-lines in the historical evidence, though. Notably, he often perceives the 1960s and 1970s to have been eras of discontinuity, disrupting the course of the mainstream. In spite of the alarmist fears of some, however, Fischer reassures that "Americans did not turn into free lovers, free thinkers, ramblers, rebels, or anarchists; they remained by Western standards remarkably committed to family, church, community, job, and nation -- quite bourgeois."
It should be apparent that Fischer does not shy away from controversial assertions. Historians and sociologists will recognize many long-standing debates where the author has taken sides, and are likely to often disagree. Yet that is the charm of this book: it stimulates.
Students of American social history at all levels are likely to find Made in America worth the investment. Among its virtues are the endnotes and the "Works Cited" bibliography, each over 100 pages.

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The Masterless: Self & Society in Modern America Review

The Masterless: Self and Society in Modern America
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This is a simply splendid historical analysis of the ambivalences inherent in the American character. McClay frames the issues within a process he calls "consolidation," which is the bureacratization and rationalization of American economic and political life. McClay concludes (as did Tocqueville) that the seemingly oppositional tendencies of hyper-individualism and bland conformism are in fact mutually reinforcing, symbiotic sides of the same coin. McClay's writing is poetic, and his research is painstaking. A must read for anyone interested in American history.

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Reading Obama: Dreams, Hope, and the American Political Tradition Review

Reading Obama: Dreams, Hope, and the American Political Tradition
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"Conservative" is a word. A 'signifier' in the jargon of philosophy. As a 'word', it ought to have a meaning, to signify something. I've checked my American Heritage dictionary, and I find two primary meanings The first is: "tending to favor the preservation of the existing order". The second is: "moderate, prudent, cautious". To my mind, both meanings would perfectly fit Barack Obama as President, making him patently a "conservative" for better or worse. The "existing order" in the USA is the mixed and balanced economy - loosely watch-dogged capitalism with a modest safety net - paired with the mixed and balanced plan of governance established by the Constitution and its discreet number of amendments. That's NOT the order which radical extremists of the Right want to preserve! By that definition, Sarah Palin and Rand Paul are scarcely conservative. Likewise, it would be hard to make a case that someone who boasts of being a "rogue" and who has participated in a movement in Alaska to secede from the United States should be perceived as "moderate, prudent, cautious."
The Barack Obama whom Professor James Kloppenberg unreservedly admires, whose words and deeds remind the Harvard historian so clearly of those of James Madison, is above all a pragmatic moderate, not attracted to ideology per se of either the Right or the Left, a political man committed -- sincerely committed -- to "deliberative democracy." That commitment has been demonstrated from the beginning of Obama's presidency by his non-imperial relationship with Congress, the 'deliberative' branch of government, and by his cautious attempts to involve the "other party" in bi-partisan discourse. Here's a key paragraph from Dr. Kloppenberg's text:
""Obama is drawn toward the ideas of anti-foundationalism, historicism, and philosophical pragmatism. As an anti-foundationalist, he questions the existence of universal truths. As a historicist, he doubts that any ideas transcend the particularity of time and culture. Finally, as a philosophical pragmatist he insists that all propositions, positions, and policies must be subjected to continuing critical scrutiny. Whereas many activists on both the left and the right proclaim their incommensurable principles with the fervor of true believers, Obama sees things differently. He believes that anti-foundationalism, historicism, and philosophical pragmatism are consistent with the principles of civic republicanism and deliberative democracy on which America was built and for which it should stand.""
How has Dr. Kloppenberg formed this perception of a president so often described in radically different terms? By attentive reading of his two books and his hundreds of public speeches. By listening to the man's own words, analyzing their consistency, comparing them to the writings and speeches of the Founding Fathers of this republic as well as those of thinkers and leaders of the two centuries of America's 'experiment' in representative government. Dr. Kloppenberg finds that Pres. Obama's political values and positions are fundamentally consistent with the American tradition of reasoned disagreement, adaptation, and compromise -- in a word, Discourse. This entire book is devoted to enlarging and documenting the perception that Obama is whole-hearted in his devotion to "preserving" the equanimity established by the Constitution. Here are some lines that Prof. Kloppenberg quotes from a speech Obama delivered on August 31, 2010:
""The greatness of our democracy is grounded in our ability to move beyond our differences, and to learn from our experiences as we confront the many challenges ahead.""
Talk-show ranters might denounce that statement as mere rhetorical boiler-plate, but Dr. Kloppenberg argues that barack Obama means precisely what he says, and also means to govern accordingly. Deliberatively. Moderately.
Professor Kloppenberg does not often turn to Europe or to European politicians in his analysis, preferring to trace the influence of American thinkers from Madison to John Dewey to John Rawls, on the very American Barack Obama. But I find that his representation of Obama's 'mentality' seems remarkably close to the ideas of the contemporary German political philosopher Jurgen Habermas -- mentioned briefly by Kloppeneberg -- another 'thinker' regarded as too centrist by both Right and Left dogmatists. What Dr. Kloppenberg and Pres. Obama might call "foundationalism", Habermas simply calls "ideology", and what Kloppenberg calls "deliberation" Habermas calls "discourse". Under either name, deliberative democracy or discourse is the antidote to ideology. The 'discourse theory of morality', in Habermas's view, conceives morality as a collective and dialogical process of reaching consensus. The ultimate goal of such consensus is to to establish and/or preserve "the kinds of institutions ... needed to protect individuals against the attractions of political extremism, on the one hand, and the depredations of a burgeoning capitalist economy, on the other."
Habermas is a strenuous, abstruse thinker and a ponderous writer. So certainly is John Rawls. It wouldn't serve Barack Obama's electoral prospects to try to expound their notions to American audiences, though I'm fully certain that he is aware of them. Habermas is, above all, an "optimist" about the capacity of the public to "identify the social and institutional conditions that foster autonomy .... truly democratic institutions capable of withstanding the corrosive effects of capitalism and of the state administration." Now, THAT'S Moderation! Neither a statist nor an anarcho-capitalist be! And that seems to me to be the commitment to optimism that Barack Obama pledges.

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Barack Obama puzzles observers. Derided by the Right as dangerous and by the Left as spineless, Obama does not fit contemporary partisan categories. Instead, his writings and speeches reflect a principled aversion to absolutes that derives from sustained engagement with American democratic thought. Reading Obama traces the origins of his ideas and establishes him as the most penetrating political thinker elected to the presidency in the past century.

James T. Kloppenberg demonstrates the influences that have shaped Obama's distinctive worldview, including Nietzsche and Niebuhr, Ellison and Rawls, and recent theorists engaged in debates about feminism, critical race theory, and cultural norms. Examining Obama's views on the Constitution, slavery and the Civil War, the New Deal, and the civil rights movement, Kloppenberg shows Obama's sophisticated understanding of American history. Obama's interest in compromise, reasoned public debate, and the patient nurturing of civility is a sign of strength, not weakness, Kloppenberg argues. He locates its roots in Madison, Lincoln, and especially in the philosophical pragmatism of William James and John Dewey, which nourished generations of American progressives, black and white, female and male, through much of the twentieth century, albeit with mixed results.

Reading Obama reveals the sources of Obama's commitment to democratic deliberation: the books he has read, the visionaries who have inspired him, the social movements and personal struggles that have shaped his thinking. Kloppenberg shows that Obama's positions on social justice, religion, race, family, and America's role in the world do not stem from a desire to please everyone but from deeply rooted--although currently unfashionable--convictions about how a democracy must deal with difference and conflict.


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